writer: Anne Marie Baylouny
Even though Sudan is not in Asia, some revolutions require attention despite media’s neglect…
It is a stunning image, admittedly. A beautiful woman in Khartoum wearing a white robe and head covering (Ala’a Salah) leads her Sudanese audience of protesters in chants of “revolution!” As the picture went viral over social media, it was eventually picked up by international mainstream media that slow in coming to the revolution.
Last week, Sudan rose to protest in numbers larger than any time in its history for the removal of its long-time authoritarian president, Omar al-Bashir; a dictator wanted by the International Criminal Court since 2010 for crimes against humanity committed in Darfur. The actor George Clooney was a particular advocate of that cause, who as the Twitterverse noted, is conspicuously silent since these protests began. Perhaps because the protests could not be spun as “black” versus “Arab,” an incorrect yet resonant discourse that probably had motivated him and others to vehemently argue for Darfur’s independence. South Sudan’s history lays bare the falsity of such simplistic divisions. The internal fight has demonstrated the complicated layers of identity and belonging.
Smaller protests, largely non-violent, in Sudan have been going on throughout the country since December. Dozens died, thousands jailed, yet, they garnered little international attention. Al Jazeera was one of the few to cover them, albeit sporadic in their coverage.
The protests, organized by the Sudanese Professional Association, spread to Khartoum in the first week of April to mark the 25th anniversary of the coup that overthrew the former head of state Nimeiry. The protestors focused on undermining the military’s allegiance to the regime. Crowds camped out in front of military headquarters asking the armed forces to depose al-Bashir. Many officers and enlisted responded, protecting the protesters against other security forces (aka, Rapid Support Forces, the National Intelligence and Security Service and the police). Protests were highly organized; groups of people kept the demonstration areas clean, provide food and medical aid in a makeshift clinic. Protesters donated money to help other protestors, leaving donations in an open basket in the middle of the demonstration.
Each day the calculus of military troops changes. Their decisions in these cases are judgments of the future: people want to be on the winning side, and for the military this is situation where prediction and beliefs about who will win and how their fellow military will act hold the most sway. No officer wants to give an order that will be disobeyed, and the more common cause protesters make with the armed forces, the higher the chance that the enlisted will refuse to fire on them. Hence, the end of the brutal dictatorship. What happens now is another question: will the military allow a democratic process, like Tunisia, or control the country, as Egypt? Not clear yet. Still early days.
But these events are unprecedented and breathtaking to watch. As of today, these protesters have learned from Egypt and remain on the streets. They are not satisfied with an internal replacement of one face with another equally repressive. Their hard-fought protests will not result in another dictatorship, military or otherwise. They remain on the streets and have issued a statement against a recycled leadership, calling it an internal coup and not a revolution.
This is revolution in making from the grassroots and we don’t know what will follow, but end of a dictator requires an audience.
Why did the media deem them unworthy of coverage earlier, coming on the heels of Algeria’s similarly-momentous uprising successfully ousting their long-time dictator? Is it because Sudan is unimportant, now that its oil is in the hands of the independent South Sudan? Is it “Africa” and therefore not newsworthy? Presenting the protests as spontaneous and unplanned plays into western orientalist stereotypes again; Arabs (and Africans) are incapable of rational strategizing but merely “react” in street protests of rage. Will the widespread dancing, singing, and festival atmosphere, complete with people bringing their sound systems and generators, dispel this stereotype or strengthen others?
One cannot help but think that the delayed coverage has more to do with the viral (thanks to Twitter) and now “iconic” image of a beautiful woman as a leader makes this uprising relevant to western news. The idea that women are unimportant in Arab culture is prevalent among Western readers and editors, and the event must have struck them as a breakthrough of “western values,” therefore newsworthy. But it is not.
Women leaders in Sudan are not unique or tokens. Women are powerful political actors in Sudan. Numerous protests over time have featured women, young and old, using symbols, drama, spoken words, songs and chants. Women dressed in their bridal clothing and led protests. Others together used spoken word to lead. A march last month called by the Sudanese Professional Association specifically honored Sudanese women; (she)roes, hunger-strikers, and those jailed during these ongoing protests. This White March or Women’s March was also ignored by the Western media. As one tweet stated, “how many times do we have to tell you? You stupidly do not understand. My love for women of my country” (@Wafaa_tageldin, Twitter, April 10, 2019).
And the international media attention, as in the case of Tunisia will come to an end; a hard-fought, planned, and powerful uprising in support of a new regime that respects human rights and will not wreck the economy does not deserve our attention or meet the conditions of our stereotypes.
